Churchill`s greatest disagreement with John Simon and Chamberlain concerned the value of a war with Germany to defend Czechoslovakia. Churchill believed that Czechoslovakia had been sacrificed to preserve peace with Germany, and that “they were left to fend for themselves and told that they would not get help from the Western powers, [the Czechs] could have created better conditions than they had.” Churchill also used his speech to highlight the hypocrisy of forcing Czechoslovakia to give up part of its sovereign territory without a referendum. He said, “No matter how you say it, this particular block of land, this mass of people to be delivered, never expressed a desire to enter the Nazi regime. This violated the principle of self-determination, which stated that “liberal and democratic” nations should be protected from takeover by totalitarian governments, an idea Churchill strongly supported. Churchill used this speech to expose Hitler`s expansionist tendencies immediately after Germany`s annexation of Austria and the Sudetenland. He sharply criticized Neville Chamberlain and his government for accepting Hitler`s annexation of the Sudetenland, saying, “Instead of snatching his food from the table, [Hitler] simply served them to him class by course.” Churchill saw the Munich Accords as a show of weakness that disrupted the continental balance of power, and he argued that the agreement would not prevent the outbreak of war or guarantee that Hitler would change his behavior. That week in 1938, Winston Churchill delivered one of the most remarkable speeches of the twentieth century, his condemnation of the Munich Accords. In that agreement, British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain agreed to allow Adolf Hitler`s Germany to annex the Sudetenland, a german-dominated province of Czechoslovakia. Hitler had already revealed his hatred of Jews and his imperial ambitions in Europe. But Chamberlain believed that concession to Hitler`s demands could help avert another catastrophic European war like the one that had devastated the continent two decades earlier. (FDR privately condemned Chamberlain`s weakness, but publicly assured Hitler that the United States had no intention of intervening.) British and French Prime Ministers Neville Chamberlain and Edouard Daladier sign the Munich Pact with Nazi leader Adolf Hitler.
The agreement prevented the outbreak of war, but ceded Czechoslovakia to the German conquest. We are invited to vote in favour of this motion for a resolution, which has been put on paper, and it is certainly a motion that is not very controversial, since the amendment was tabled by the opposition. Personally, I cannot agree with the measures taken, and since the Chancellor of the Exchequer has set out his version of the case so richly, I will try, if I may, to look at the case from a different angle. I have always been of the view that peacekeeping depends on the accumulation of deterrents against the aggressor, combined with a sincere effort to remedy grievances. Mr. Hitler`s victory, like so many famous battles that determined the fate of the world, was won by the narrowest margin. Roosevelt had great difficulty convincing many Americans to help the British. Isolationists, in particular, were quick to demand that the UNITED States avoid what it saw as a foreign entanglement that could lead to war. The Citizens National Keep America Out of War Committee distributed this flyer to raise funds and promote its cause. She urged people to put political pressure on Congress and demand that film owners not show war films.
Churchill uses the metaphor of Ethelred the Unfinished, the old English king who succeeded Alfred the Great; his failure to do justice to his predecessor shows how the Allies did not build on the success of the First World War.  Moved by the suffering, perseverance and courage shown by Bristol residents during an air raid visited there during Churchill and Harriman, Harriman made an anonymous donation to an aid fund. In the thank-you note, Churchill wrote that she hoped “all this pain and sorrow” could “bring our two countries together permanently.” “Anyway,” she concludes, “no matter what, we don`t feel alone anymore.” Nevelle Chamberlain returns from MunichIf I do not begin this afternoon by expressing to the Prime Minister the usual and even almost immutable gratitude for his management of this crisis, it is certainly not out of a lack of personal respect. We have always had very pleasant relationships for many years, and I have deeply understood, from my personal experiences in a similar crisis, the stress and tension he had to endure; but I`m sure it`s much better to say exactly what we think about public affairs, and this is certainly not the time to solicit political popularity. Local elections on which the 50 percent is based. The President. — I call on the Group of the European People`s Party (Christian Democratic Group). When I saw Mr. Henlein here, he assured me that this was not the wish of his people. Positive statements were made that it was only a matter of self-government to have its own position in the Czechoslovak state. No one has the right to say that the referendum, which must take place in areas under Saarland conditions, and the own average of 50 per cent.
Domains – that these two operations together lead to the slightest degree of judgment of self-determination. It is a fraud and a farce to invoke that name. After the fall of France to Germany in June 1940, Britain faced the possibility of an invasion. However, Germany was unable to achieve the necessary air superiority and the planned invasion, codenamed sealion, was postponed. In October, Churchill joked: “We are waiting for the promised invasion for a long time. That`s how fish are. This photo shows the new prime minister inspecting his coastal defences in the summer of 1940, when the landing was imminent. A rearmament effort, which has not yet been seen, should be undertaken immediately, and all the resources of that country and all its combined forces should be devoted to this task. I was very pleased to see Lord Baldwin say yesterday in the House of Lords that he would mobilize the industry tomorrow. But I think it would have been much better if Lord Baldwin had said that two and a half years ago, when everyone was calling for a department of supply.
I dare say to the honourable gentlemen sitting here behind the government bench, to my honourable friends, whom I thank for the patience with which they have listened to me, that they also bear some responsibility for all this, because if they had given even the jubilant tithe they flooded the small group of members of this transaction through Czechoslovakia, that we have tried to set in motion a rearmament in time, we should not now be in the position in which we find ourselves. Honourable gentlemen opposite, and Hon. . .